Published on 

 

BERGER P. O Dossel wm-greece.info - Download as PDF File .pdf) or read online. BERGER, Peter L. O dossel sagrado, elementos para uma teoria sociológica da wm-greece.info Uploaded Download as PDF or read online from Scribd. Flag for. berger sociologia da religião o dossel sagrado capítulos 5 6 e 7. Direitos autorais : © All Rights Reserved. Baixe no formato PDF ou leia online no Scribd.

Author:ROBERT ANDALORA
Language:English, Spanish, Japanese
Country:Spain
Genre:Personal Growth
Pages:620
Published (Last):28.12.2015
ISBN:864-2-37987-469-9
Distribution:Free* [*Sign up for free]
Uploaded by: YESENIA

65470 downloads 129200 Views 13.32MB PDF Size Report


O Dossel Sagrado Pdf

E você conhece bem o cotidiano jornalístico, que conjuga competência, com louvável pertinácia e dedicação o seu Dicionário de Palavras Interligadas, o fogo; deitar lenha na fogueira; deixar entrar o bispo; fazer lume; fogo sagrado; .. cornija; culminação; culminância; cume; cúmulo; dominação; domo; dossel;. Berger, Peter () ​O Dossel Sagrado.​ São Paulo: Paulus. Douglas, Mary ( ) ​Purity and danger​. An analysis of the concepts of pollution and taboo. O Dossel Sagrado: Elementos para uma Teoria Sociológica da Religião. /05_Carneiro%2C+wm-greece.info (accessed on

Download Espaaco Sagrado - Denise Linn A casa enquanto ser vivo jornada 3. As quatro etapas da limpeza da casa 4. O fogo purificador 5. A alquimia do ar 7. A terra que cura 8. O som sagrado 9. Mudando-se para uma nova casa Protetores e energizadores da casa Sistemas de realinhamento interior Transmitindo luz 2. Minha Agradecimentos A David Linn, meu marido e companheiro de jornada, pelo apoio de amor; Claire Brown, pela excelente qualidade como editora e pela amizade; Brand Fortner Ph. Assim como um eco se espalha pelo infinito, a casa pode ser um transmissor de luz e energia. No entanto, creio que, no fundo, todos sabemos isso.

Thus, the resulting actions are part of a laic management and, in those sentences, they are referred to the cemetery. Follow Giumbelli suggestion I look for the religious based on the ideas explained by the words that the manager used to explain his actions.

He described the past tense of his management as filthy, abandoned, and dirty. Unlike the previous words, these are associated with some ingredients: In this second group, it can be seen that the referents are related to both components of the cemetery's own space tombs and their possession when associated with objects and beings brought by from Afro-Brazilian religions.

There is a complementarity of meanings between the secular and the religious. This association prevents us from reading the cemetery management when operating only from the paradigm of secular modernity. The understanding that secularism did not imply the separation of religious and governmental institutions seems to be essential at this point. After all, as Montero explained, this movement provoked mutations that are able of placing religious demands in decision-making forums and enabling religious agents to collaborate in public policies.

In this sense, when the manager forbids certain behaviors by explaining that they are dirty, he does so as an opposition to what is permissible and legitimate prayers, candles, flowers, painting and washing. It is observed that in all cases he operates associating religious and secular referents. Obviously, fixing new rituals caused some controversy just on the opposite to what happened with the spatial rules.

While catholics and evangelicals celebrated the cleansing of space, the adepts of Afro-Brazilian religions did not accept these changes so calmly. In an attempt to keep some of their ritual practices - which evidences a desire to share the space - they have adopted strategies from which they confronted the new organization.

According to them, these ceremonials were made at dawn by people who jumped the cemetery walls. In an attempt to stop these practices and enforce new rules, the city hired a night watchman.

These religious disputes are triggered by the team of conservation and express a reality already consolidated in Brazil. So, Brazilian cemeteries have been the scene of religious disputes since the colonial period Reis, However, it was in the Empire that the Catholic domain of the necropolis began to cause more intense conflicts when burials of non-Catholics, mainly Protestants, Jews and Freemasons were prohibited.

Recapturing the debates about cemeteries management during the imperial period, there were attempts to minimize conflicts through propositions that were already in dialogue with the understanding of laic cemeteries. For example, the change of public nature of necropolises started after In the s, politicians and intellectuals discussed at length about the establishment of legislation for cemeteries, and whether they should be managed based on an ecclesiastical or civil jurisdiction.

In , for example, Saldanha Marinho and Joaquim Nabuco defended religious freedom in Brazil as well as the cause of Protestants by sending a project that assured the importance of having a civil jurisdiction of municipal cemeteries Rodrigues, , pp. However, in practice, the necropolis were still managed by parish priests and intended only for "Catholic Christians" burial, although they were separated from the churches.

This was a problem for those ones who did not profess this religious option. So, disputes by non-Catholics who wished to be buried in public cemeteries of the cities only increased due to the exclusivity of Catholic burials. It is important to record that, with few exceptions, these cemeteries were the only ones that existed Lima, , p.

In that context, it was perceived that the public necropolis was destined only to Catholics, but this no longer fits the demands of the new social groups that emerged in Brazilian society. On the other hand, there is still an indistinction among a Catholic, a 11 Ecclesiastical graves were considered to be those ones of Catholics who had received the sacraments before death. Among the conditions for entitlement to such a burial, there were: Actually, laicization of cemeteries officially took place only in and the same process only reached birth, marriage and death records in So, according to these changes, in the contemporary context, laic cemeteries are shared by several kinds of people and religions, and this sharing is made up by very complex dynamics.

And, although there is no obstacle to burials due to religious connection in most cities, the cemetery has a complex hegemonic Catholic construction, inherited from these times and that has continued to work in accordance with the secularization process of these institutions.

Anyway, here it is purposed that the dialogue between religious and secular referents in a contemporary environment of cemeteries deals with ritual and symbolic exclusions using new arrangements among markers.

A closer analysis of recurrences of these clashes helps us to better understand the developments in our case.

In addition, the secular order of the necropolis circumscribes the limits established for religious rites in these environments. Since there is no bureaucratic-religious domain of the cemetery, it can be perceived that Catholic rules have developed by adhering to the secular and becoming structurant. For example, in Rio de Janeiro, the conflicts became so heated that they had to be approached by a municipal decree.

It is prohibited to create restrictions on burial based on religious belief or discrimination on race, sex, color, work or political convictions The public cemeteries shall be laic and may be managed directly by the Municipality or exploited 12 by concession". At the same time, there are records that many of 13 these rituals are held at night to avoid confrontation with the safety of cemeteries. In fact, there are discussions about the possibility of building specific areas for practices 14 associated with these religiosities.

The followers denounce ban rites, disrespect to their tradition, and entry ban. Many of them reject the creation of these specific spaces by understanding them as synonyms of segregation and exclusion. As I have already pointed out, the symbolic predominance of Catholicism in necropolis persists precisely because it is intimately associated with its historical structure Vicente da Silva, Available at: So, in local development, the religious regulation was added to the characteristic dispositions of that space in such a way that they became "positive discriminations" Giumbelli, For this reason, we can say that the decision to establish specific ritual restrictions for Afro-Brazilian religions evidences an imbrication between a secular administrative logic and Catholic rules that governs its order and dispositions.

They bury their dead as well as participate in official Catholic rites. They put candles on the cross in front of the cemetery gate. They answered me with some indignation, saying that they could always do their homage, but recently they were prevented from performing their characteristic rites. As I have already shown, the ritual denial was only brought about by parameterizing objects and beings that are outside of Catholic rites and which are directly linked to Afro-Brazilian rituals.

Then, it is possible to consider that the management attitude ends up protecting a secular public space from the action of religious ritual components that are not legitimized. As far as the ingredients of Afro-Brazilian rites are concerned, the secular management has a neutrality-exclusion action Barbier, According to the gravedigger, this exit is closed all the time and burials do not pass through it.

Sporadically, it is used by the cleaning truck that removes garbage and building remains. At night, it is very dark and no one watches over it. So, in order to take advantage of this security gap, those followers began to use this last border of the cemetery more frequently to carry out their rituals.

A place that is hidden, displaced and abandoned. This option settled conflicts and allowed - even under some tension - the ongoing sharing of the place since the practice outside the walls was tolerated by the necropolis management.

Whenever questioned, the cemetery manager explained its rules as an attempt to organize and sanitize the cemetery. His intention with such measures was to recover the number of burials and also to make the environment "more pleasant". He would like to assure that he never thought of preventing any manifestation of mourning, since he recognized the cemetery as a public space prepared specifically for this ritual moment: No one bothers them [sic].

Rethinking the components of the new order imposed on the cemetery, I could find out some interesting details. It can be said that the evangelical manager acts out based on a secularity conception that does not contemplate non-Christian practices. In other words, as the determination of secular values in the cemetery is inextricably tied to the Catholicism rites components, the secular ordering logic rectifies and legitimizes them.

The Catholic predominance in the death system and in the Brazilian cemeteries is not new. The candle which is a symbol of intercession for the dead in Catholic rite Reesink, is an indispensable component and can be observed in several funeral rites, even in non-catholic ones. There are crosses in almost all cemeteries, even in the public ones. And this is another thing that evidences this organizing place of catholicism in death filed Rodrigues, It has always been connected to Nossa Senhora da Guia Church, whether in its interior, or by its side, or by sharing its gates.

The presence of the cathedral, candles and crosses have pointed out and reinforced this identification. These guidelines dialogue closely with the perspective of secularity.

Related Post: METODO SILVA PDF

They can also be close to the Catholic logic from the sharing of Christian cosmology. Each of these parameters imposes to this manager the use of different symbolic responses and available practices.

Evangelical people that I interviewed and with whom I carried out a long fieldwork, the ritual use of the cemetery is very close to secular dynamics. They do not return to the cemetery to put flowers in the graves. They do not light candles interceding for their dead ones Vicente da Silva, The cemetery organization itself, as proposed by the management stuff, can be understood as expressive of an agnostic, materialistic and laic ideology of simple rites of intercession for the dead ones.

So, when I talked about the evangelical abandonment of the graves, the manager told me: Well, if you go to the [sic] cemetery, you will see that the Catholic and the spiritist funeral is very sad. There is very much crying and they get desperate.

They faint when the coffin is buried. And after the funeral, they come and go aiming to take care of the grave and to speak with the dead. Where is it written that it is to pray for the dead? Not in the Bible. They are more serene. So, what is the purpose to come to the cemetery [sic] to put flowers? For whom? My evangelical interlocutors said about the rituals for the dead in cemeteries: There is no one here, it's over What counts is what stays.

There's nothing here" Field diary, different dates. At the same time, evangelicals understand the cemetery as a Catholic territory. When the evangelical mourners walk through their streets and lanes to bury their dead, they carefully observe the ritual practices that are performed there and recognize them as legitimate manifestations of that place.

When performing their rituals and silently confronting these habits by distributing the leaflets, they aim at demonstrating how they think of life and death by highlighting the differences concerning their procedures and 15 practices of "others. When crossing the territory and looking at what happens there, they acquire arguments to question and disagree with what belongs to that space, without openly complaining.

It is interesting to think that the spatial and ritual catholic hegemony in the cemetery is so consolidated in collective imagination of death that even an evangelical manager does not question its bases and continues to adhere to the model already established.

He does not intend to restructure the front part of the cemetery nor prohibit Catholic ritual practices. There is no possibility of confrontation of what is foundational, even though there are several arguments through which it could justify a possible attempt at transformation. From the point of view of cleanliness, the manager even told me that, for example, he had to paint the steps of the cross pedestal and the wall of entrance gate 15 The reference to Catholics as "others" was described by some of my interviewees.

I introduce this term the same way I have heard to give emphasis to the witnessed differentiation.

And concerning access, the gravedigger told me, and I myself could also observe the great difficulty of driving a coffin through the tombs of the first section of the cemetery. None of these arguments would be strong enough for the ordering logic of that space to be questioned. In this specific case, there is an effective rapprochement between evangelicals and Catholics who share Christianity cosmology and appropriate themselves to the public 16 space of a cemetery as a "Christian territory.

They understand the cemetery as an exclusive space for burial and for Christian rites of mourning. Any religious practice that escapes this goal is understood as desecrating that territory.

Cemetery is death territory and death is the passage to eternal life in paradise in a second case via to purgatory. And even though there are differences between Catholic and evangelical believers regarding the uses of such space, there is a sharing of the minimal contents of cosmology and Christian rite that does not include entities of African polytheistic dynamics or blood sacrifices.

Thus, 17 religiosity manifestations of African matrix are seen and fought as illegitimate. Finally, this new order represents a possible momentum for transformation and shows what the limits to the symbolisms present in that space are. Hence, when proposing rules and prohibiting uses, the manager minimized the daily relations between living and dead people. Those that remain are only the ones that could not be answered. Somehow, the cemetery secularization is the trend he imagined as "ideal".

Cleaning and tidying up are impulses of what you want to organize Douglas, His attitudes assume constituting boundaries and porosities of a city macrocosm and microcosm just as there is a foundational organizational structure of space: In general, the movements and senses presented by the actors of this environment reinforce the logic of porosity is this district where, obviously, there are spaces for everybody.

However, social organization and guidelines from which it was built are predominantly Catholic. In the dynamics of a secular cemetery, everyone can enter and pass to bury or honor their dead in the same way. It is a space of common use. However, not all ritual forms are "legitimate," not all spatial conformations are "preferred.

When the manager acted out in a secular and orderly manner by burying the most recent dead in the oldest and "disorderly" part of the cemetery, he took the same step of 18 The attempt to make activities identical or consistent with old cultural precedents may be called "traditionalism".

As a powerful legitimizing tool, traditionalism may be the matter of repeating activities from an earlier period, adapting activities into new ones, or creating practices that simply evoke links with the past. The most obvious forms of traditionalism include the use of ancient customs, repetition of old habits, and the preservation of ancient linguistic forms Bell, At the same time, in regard to rites, when he determined what is polluting, he used the same hegemonic system added to a secular dynamics.

The ingredients and objects that dirty or bother are those ones that cannot be framed in the manifestations of secular or Catholic intercession. This argument can be elucidated when I analyze the speech of my Catholic interviewees. According to my Catholic interlocutors, two things bother them in the cemetery: They undestand this attitude as an affront to their mourning: So, there is a true admiration when "the cemetery is beautiful, clean.

A wonder " idem. The management of the cemetery did not wish to incite confrontations by preventing the ritual expression of "some of them," - the manager explained. At the same time, it only prohibited religious ingredients that are different from those ones used by Christians.

The prohibition of some practices informs that its achievement is not understood as legitimate for that environment. It does not take part of the structure of that place.

This evidences an understanding similar to that one which governs the logic established therein and also demonstrates the limits to the filtering that someone can perform. He deals with a secular order that prohibits non-Christian ritual practices. Thus, I figured it out an action that tends to reinforce the Catholic domain of the dead and the ritual practices of intercession that follow this model.

The data presented here further evidence the multiple dynamics of the actors involved in this process - even if, over time, this impulse can only reinforce the already existing predominance, updated from different parameters. I say this because, according to the information that both gravedigger and manager provided me, most of the newly downloadd perpetual graves at the back part of the cemetery belong to non-evangelicals.

In an intriguing way, - thinking of a future projection - the format does not seem to change. In other words, the cemetery participates in a broader structure that represents the very society that is kept and reproduced in rites that are devoted precisely to that goal. Conclusion Almeida has supported the idea that although evangelical churches have increased in Brazil, the future projection does not guarantee that evangelicals will be the religious majority in the country.

This is why there is a dispute for followers as a sign of strengthening religious pluralism in the country. Following this argument, it can be seen that there is a mutual influence between Catholics and evangelicals throughout their meetings and disconnections for the most different points of our huge country.

Data show that charismatic Catholicism has come very close to the conversionist, emotional, and moralizing evangelical model.

There is a major shift in the Catholic profile in opposition to the evangelicals and their action in the public sphere Mariano, — and this has made charismatic Catholic movements stronger.

Catholic and evangelical religious political groups have acted out as a "Christian bloc" when confronting human rights guidelines, especially in the debates about abortion, gender and sexuality Machado, , Vital da Cunha and Leite Lopes, In these clashes between religious and laic people, it is evident that fundamentalism attitude is on development.

It is important to highlight that although interculturality takes part of the contemporary world, there is a growing proliferation of radicalisms and extremisms, not only in the religious sphere, since fundamentalism can be found in several contexts, such as economics, for example Alves, In this paper, I have tried to demonstrate how the historical catholic model is the organizer of death territory and that the active secular reorganizing posture of the cemetery space carried out by an evangelical man has at its heart interesting elements to think about the centrality of Christian rules in a laic public space.

These different symbolic references in conjunction work by keeping and strengthening Christianity predominance, while at the same time generating exclusion. This hypothesis is evident when sharing the cemetery by religious alternatives.

And, although Catholics have told me that they felt uncomfortable with the ritual practices of Afro-Brazilian religions, there is no evidence of their explicit actions to confront and expel these actors and their rites from that space.

In this particular case, what comes out is that only with the presence of an evangelical manager, who plays a secular interventionism role, he could also trigger the most direct confrontation in that system of coexistence between religiosities. Thus, it was only from the actions of ordination and sanitation, fomented by the secular evangelical management, that the Catholics stood in favor of the secular religious and excluding model of a space.

At the same time, it is important to emphasize that the use of markers of ordination and sanitation from a laic interventionism legitimates the exclusionary actions since, at the moment of imposition of prohibitions, the manager does not present himself or is considered to be acting out as an evangelical, but as a manager.

So, the multiterritoriality from which the secular public space must be shared gives way to a territorial practice that legitimates a specific religious model: Thinking of expanding this debate, I believe that the Brazilian society must be 19 problematized from fundamentalist shades.

But, it is not a fundamentalism that leads us to homogenize both Christian and nonreligious groups.

uoeopeliodker.dns04.com

There are several movements of 20 conservatism and with distinct levels, but all of them are on the way to the same area. Unlike the Weberian propose, in the secularization operated on the Maunatian necropolis, instead of religion being withdrawn from the public space, it is replaced by an aggregation between the religious and the secular.

So, moving forward in this argument, it is observed that Protestant asceticism sophisticates the process since it is legitimized through the use of laic markers. We know that specifically Christian fundamentalism is misshapen, hybrid and holds within itself frameworks that should be better understood.

Some groups of Catholics and evangelicals have relied on passages of the sacred scriptures as the beacon of the moral conduct of Brazilian citizens - even those who identify themselves as without religion or as belonging to other religions.

These groups do not dissociate citizen from Christian Mariano, So, denying the powerful fundamentalist stance that 19 Fundamentalism is not terrorism, especially in the religion sphere. It does not necessarily mean total rejection of different beliefs and behaviors. In this case, its performance is sophisticated since it uses different referents, including the laic Alves, Although the lecturer referred directly to conservatism, I use it as a resource for fundamentalism.

It is important to add that, as I have tried to point out, the secular state is raised to empower these acts since it does not allow the direct association between ritual exclusion and religious choice. Christian fundamentalism worries me due to a double concern as a researcher of the anthropology of religions.

The confirmation of a trend toward consolidation of fundamentalist Christian behaviors under construction - which associates certain evangelicals and some Catholics - may help to lessen prejudice against "evangelicals" who are still seen as "intolerant. At the same time, as scholars of the different evangelical denominations and also of the multiple segments of Catholicism, we have been constrained and challenged in our "methodological relativism.

There is a clear project of expansion of power and domains that calls for us to be vigilant. So, with an upward movement over the years, it is possible to observe this group by expanding its forces in different structures of power and disqualifying processes, means, ways that could lead to greater equality among individuals; they influence elections, gain seats in the executive and are essential actors in bargains, characteristic of some legislative Houses Therefore, I believe that betting on the criticism of a process existence that points to the consolidation of groups that claim for themselves a certain Christian fundamentalism can be a way that helps us to delegitimize these speeches.

Thus, based on this research data, it shows how they reinforce themselves, how they dialogue with each other and with the dynamics of secularity and how they exclude everyday those who are outside this great structure of meanings that is historical and that is strengthened in the present. Cadernos Pagu: But one wouldexpect a certain continuity of intellectual stance, a continuity in form if not in substance.

Itwould be difficult to argue that this is the case.

Sociology hi America at one time was intent on cultivating a robustempiricism, which Louis Wirth summed up as getting one's hands dirty with research andwhich one could also call the cultivation of a sociological nose. One wonders whether these people have ever interviewed a livehuman being or participated with curiosity hi a live social event.

What has gone wrong? And is there anything that can be done about it? I am not at all surethat I can authoritatively deliver either diagnosis or therapy. Nor can I claim to have beenimmune all along to whatever it is that ails the discipline. But I shall take a stab, if not at acomprehensive diagnosis, let alone a promising therapy, so at least at describing some of thesymptomatic failings.

What is more, even after these developments had come sharply into view,sociologists found themselves unable to explain them or to make sense of them within a frameof sociological theory.

Given the importance of these developments, the failure of sociologyto either predict, or at least to apprehend, them indicates that something is seriously wronghere.

Case one: In the late s and early s a cultural and political upheaval took place in themajor Western industrial societies. It was a total surprise.

If one turns to American sociology, as it was taught then and stillis in numerous college courses, one finds the proposition that people become moreconservative as they become more affluent. This proposition may have been quite valid up tothe aforementioned event. It certainly was not valid as the politico-cultural cataclysmoccurred, and it is no longer valid today.

Os classicos by Paizão Filhos on Prezi

Conversely, the newer conservative movements -- whether led by RonaldReagan, Margaret Thatcher, or Helmut Kohl -- found their constituencies in the lower middleand working classes, dragging along a reluctant older conservative establishment. Conversely, radical middle-class intellectuals foundthemselves in bed, politically if not culturally, not with the working masses with whomtheir ideology identified, but with alleged representatives of the underclass and other marginalgroupings.

I vividly recall a scene in the Brooklyn neighborhood where we lived from the mids tothe late s. On onestreet almost every house displayed what were then the politically correct peace placards inthe windows -- U.

BERGER P. O Dossel Sagrado.pdf

With one exception: One house sported messages such as Support our troops in Vietnam, Support your local police and Register Communists, not guns. In this house lived anelderly invalid, a widowed veteran. One day, this man was evicted.

Marshalls came and puthis belongings on the street. Then they put him on the street, sitting in his wheelchair, wearingan American Legion cap.

The very next week new people moved into thehouse. Promptly, the peace signs went up in all the windows. Today the conventional view has it that the late sixties are a past history, recently re-evokedin a mood of nostalgia. This is a serious misinterpretation: The late sixties have notdisappeared; they have become institutionalized, both culturally and politically. The onlyhalfway persuasive sociological explanation of this development was the so-called new classtheory, which surfaced briefly in the s and has not been heard of much since.

Neither version fully meets the facts, and theformidable task remains of reformulating a sociological theory of class in advanced industrialsocieties. But this is not my concern here. The question is why have sociologists been so ineptin dealing with as massive a phenomenon? To some extent, perhaps, it is reluctance to modifyaccepted theoretical paradigms. Sociologists of the left have tried, very unsuccessfully, to squeeze the phenomenon intoMarxist categories like the proletarianization of the middle class.

More bourgeois colleagues have mumbled something about status politics. The generationthat entered the profession in those years, now tottering through tenured middle age, had allthe peace signs emblazoned on their hearts. To them, this was a conflict between the goodguys and the bad guys, and it still is -- though the politically correct markers have shiftedsomewhat.

People are reluctant to accept sociological explanations of their own commitments-- even if they are professional sociologists.

In other words, the failure of sociology toapprehend this development is largely due to ideological blinders. Second case: One of the fundamental transformations in the contemporary world has been therapid economic ascendancy of Japan and other East Asian countries. What is happening hereis not just an economic miracle of enormous proportions, occurring at breathtaking speed, butthe first instance of successful modernization in a non-Western cultural context that should beof special interest to sociologists.