Great American Pinup is a New York Art Gallery Specializing in Pin Up Art, and is a specialty of Louis K. Meisel Gallery. Louis K. Meisel Gallery is a New York Art. They've been exciting generations of men, on calendars and covers, as centrefolds or even on playing cards: pin-ups. This book tells the tale of a. They've been exciting generations of men, on calendars and covers, as centrefolds or even on playing cards: pin-ups. What started as an exercise in oils was.
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Great American Pinup. This book tells the tale of a genre as utterly American as the paintings of Edward Hopper, describing its origins and development in detail . Get Free Read & Download Files The Great American Pin Up PDF. THE GREAT AMERICAN PIN UP. Download: The Great American Pin Up. THE GREAT. pin-up art in which they titled The Great American Pin-Up. Containing American pin-up artists, most notably Elvgren, have been called.
Certainly wanting more pinups and glamour art but also to see the other artworks, including commercial art, created by these talented artists. Martignette 18 pages. There are s of images in the book, many of which are full-page.
Seeing as the book is an oversized coffee table book One thing brought home by this book was the sheer ubiquity of pinup art in American society from about to , especially in the 30s to 50s. Pinups illustrated everything from advertising for the full gamut of products, to illustrations for magazine articles, book covers whether romance, fantasy, pulp and other genres, to magazine covers all kinds, including all of the major ones , to billboards, to the sides of WWII airplanes, and so on.
Calendars, of course, were the biggest selling and most prolific form for pinups. This book tells the tale of a genre as utterly American as the paintings of Edward Hopper, describing its origins and development in detail and showcasing the most important artists.
The authors Charles G. You may also like. A problem occurred. Reload page. Your browser seems to have cookies disabled. You'll need to turn cookies on to use taschen.
While this fact has been recognized by many femi- nist thinkers-indeed, many such media and genres have been avoided by certain feminist artists for these very reasons-few would deny that the same have been and may be strategically used by women to sub- vert the sexism with which they have historically been associated. Yet the pin- up - because of its simultaneous ubiquity and invisibility, pruri- ent appeal and prudery, artistry and commercialism- has not been so readily granted a feminist interpretation.
The genre is a slippery one: it doesn't represent sex so much as suggest it, and these politely suggestive qualities have as a result always lent it to a commercial culture of which feminists have justifiably been wary for its need to cultivate the kind of desire and dissatisfaction that leads to consumption. But the feminist movement itself has historically been dedicated to the cultivation of desire and dissatisfaction- in its own case, leading to dissent.
As such, we should be unsurprised that both the visibility and persuasiveness of the pin- up might be used by a feminist movement that has always sought to inspire broad cultural change. As a genre asso- ciated almost exclusively with women - due, of course, to its creation and prominence in cultures where women's rather than men's sexuality is considered acceptable for scrutiny-the pin-up has, no less than in- deed, perhaps more than any other cultural representation of women, reflected women's roles in the cultures and subcultures in which it is created.
Because the pin-up is always a sexualized woman whose image is not only mass-reproduced, but mass-reproduced because intended for wide display, the genre is an interesting barometer for Western cul- tural responses to women's sexuality in popular arts since the Indus- trial Revolution, as well as feminist responses to the same.
Indeed, the pin-up seems an excellent place to track the history of both heated dis- agreements and remarkable similarities within and between feminist generations precisely because of its longevity, prominence, and mixed meanings in pop culture since the rise of the feminist movement. When feminist history is viewed through the lens of the popular pin-up, what emerges is a picture of the myriad ways in which women have defined, politicized, and represented their own sexuality in the public eye.
And 6 llltrod11ction when the pin-up's popularity is viewed through the lens of feminist his- tory, what emerges is a picture of the myriad ways in which feminist thought has profoundly affected women's sexuality both within and be- yond the women's movement.
Women are no longer to be considered little tootsey wootseys who have nothing to do but look pretty. They are determined to take an active part in the community and look pretty too. Feminist activists and scholars have long tangled with the issue of whether images liberate women from or enforce tra- ditional patriarchal notions of female sexuality.
From Laura Mulvey's psychoanalytical construction of the "masculine gaze" to Andrea Dwor- kin and Catharine MacKinnon's longstanding appeals to broaden both cultural and legal definitions of pornography, there is a wide and influ- ential range of contemporary feminist discourse on the ways in which women are manipulated and victimized through various cultural rep- resentations. These have led to a popular stereotype of the "feminist view" if there ever were such a monolith of the sexualized woman as a consistently negative one.
However, the history and evolution of the women's movement problematizes this stereotype, as women have ac- tively demanded the right to act as free and discerning sexual subjects even as they may be interpreted or serve as another's object of desire.
As the decades that yawn between the statements of Lydia Commander and Salt 'n' Pepa demonstrate, this position has been complicated and consistent in modern women's history. Frueh has articulated this desire succinctly in her writing on the rele- Defmingj Defe11di11g tlze "Fei11ist PiUp" 7 vance of sexuality to the feminist movement: "As long as I am an erotic subject, I am not averse to being an erotic object.
As bell hooks puts this conundrum: "It has been a simple task for women to describe and criticize negative as- pects of sexuality as it has been socially constructed in sexist society; to expose male objectification and dehumanization of women; to de- nounce rape, pornography, sexualized violence, incest, etc.
It has been a far more difficult task for women to envision new sexual paradigms, to change the norms of sexuality. Contemporary artists as varied as Judy Chicago and Renee Cox, Cindy Sherman and Lisa Yuskavage have appropriated icons, objects, and stereotypes that speak to traditions of representing women as sexual creatures.
However, all these artists effectively subvert these methods and image types to assert the pleasure and power feminist women may find in them - a clever bait- and- switch process perhaps best described by art historian Kate Linker as "seduce, then intercept. Historical constructions of female sexuality in both the art world and popular culture have frequently represented womanhood according to patriarchal myths that feminism has sought to deny.
Yet many feminist constructs of female sexuality- in a desire to depart from sexist constructs - have resulted in a visual language pointedly hostile to both sexual desire and women for whom a radical denial of traditional feminine signifiers is itself oppressive.
Surely echoing the frustration of many feminists in this position, artist Barbara Kruger asks: "How do I as a woman and an artist work against the marketplace of the spectacle while residing within it? On the one 8 Introduction hand, the not entirely correct assumption that the genre exists as a catalyst for heterosexual male desire has made it a kind of visual short- hand for the desirable female.
On the other, the genre also has a history of representing and accepting seemingly contradictory elements- tra- ditional as well as transgressive female sexualities- by imaging ordi- narily taboo behaviors in a fashion acceptable to mass cultural con- sumption and display. While many pin-ups are indeed silly caricatures of women that mean to construct their humiliation and passivity as turn- ens, the genre has also represented the sexualized woman as self- aware, assertive, strong, and independent.
As such, it should come as no sur- prise that in their search for a mediating image between the roles of sub- ject and obj ect, and the languages of transgression and tradition, many contemporary feminist artists have looked to this genre as a mode of self-expression. That which is affixed to a board or wall for scrutiny or perusal; specifically, a clipping or photograph, usually of an attractive young woman.
Designating a photograph, clipping, or drawing used in this manner, or a person who models such picture. According to the recent Webster's definition- little- changed since it first appeared in the dictionary in the pin-up is an image of an indi- vidual meant for display and concentrated observation.
Implied in the dictionary's almost humorously formal description is that the image also generally represents a woman as the subject of such public "scrutiny. Pin-up connoisseur Mark Gabor locates the genre's origins along- ide the development of Western print media in the fifteenth century.
Gabor astutely locates the pin-up's ori- gins in the proliferation of popular prints, through which the genre's traditional distinction from the realm of the fine arts is articulated and which made it accessible to lower-to-middle-class audiences.
But these "pin-ups" from the fifteenth to the early nineteenth century generally lack the contemporaneity, ubiquity, and display-worthy modesty that define the modern genre. It would not be until the Industrial Revo- lution - with its explosion of mass-reproductive print technology and the rise of a formidable middle class in America and Europe to pur- chase them - that a "true" pin-up genre would emerge to both nego- tiate a space for itself between the fine and popular arts and define itself through the representation of a pointedly contemporary female sexuality.
Writer and cultural historian Casey Finch has observed that as the near- obsessive representation of the solitary female in European paint- ing of the nineteenth century rose in visibility and popularity, so too did technological developments in print media, allowing such works to be reproduced and distributed widely and cheaply. As these fine- art images came to be copied, circulated, and popularized in prints and illustrations, the easily obtained knock-offs became the ideal for what would become the pin-up genre.
In Edith Wharton's novel Tlze Age of Itmocence, the narrator's appalled description of an unabashedly sexual and tenuously historicized Adolphe-William Bouguereau nude on a prominent wall of the nouveau-riche Beaufort family's salon re- 10 llltrod11ctio11 minds us why deluxe chromolithographic reproductions of the period's academic nymphs also hung behind bartenders at Victorian and Edwar- dian saloons.
Moreover, Wharton's description of generations-old New York families taking offense at the painting's blatant display in a public room of the house is used as a sign of the Beaufort's "vulgar" bourgeois tastes, unrefined by old-money modesty, which are exposed in their pa- tronage of such a fashionably naughty contemporary work - exposing in turn the designations of class that both the Industrial Revolution and the pin-up would problematize.
She also draws stronger parallels between the pin-up's defining conflation of "high" and "low" cultures and consumption practices in the nineteenth century. In this period, she argues, photographic and illustrated prints in Europe and the United States reflected more than just the expanding spectrum of what both "art" and "class" meant in Western society; they also re- flected a new spectrum of sexual moralities between earlier binaries as well as the establishment of a "fully evolved commodity culture" that often blurred the lines between the classes.
Solomon- Godeau asserts: "Once this equivalence was secured, at a historical moment already consumed by the Baudelairean 'cult of im- ages,' it was at least doubly determined that the distinctive forms of modern mass consumer culture would adapt the image of feminine desirability as its most powerful icon.
Solomon-Godeau defines the resulting genre as "an image type that could be relatively deluxe or relatively crude, but in either case was predicated on the relative isolation of its feminine motif through the reduction or outright elimination of narrative, literary, or mythological allusion The pin-up girl is a specific erotic phenomenon, both as to form and function. From its birth as a representational genre, the pin- up has served as an image that pointedly eliminates the explicit representation of a sexual act by both eliminating the presence of men and, generally, other women and strategically covering the genital area of the female subject.
The pin- up is a genre associated with mass reproduction, distribution, and consump- tion, meant for at least limited visibility to more than one viewer. As 12 Introduction an image where explicitly contemporary femininity and implicit sexu- ality are both synthesized and intended for wide circulation and public display, the pin-up itself is an interesting paradox.
It represents a space in which a self-possessed female sexuality is not only imaged but also deemed appropriate for exhibition. Yet Western mores have, since the rise of the pin-up, preserved the subject and display of self-aware, con- temporary female sexuality as one for consumption that is private and guarded, if not downright threatening and therefore taboo. Is it pos- sible, then, that the very representation of female sexuality can be in- terpreted not only as subordinate to oppressive cultural mores but also as potentially subversive?
In much the same way that Judith Butler has argued that drag cross- dressing can mime, rework, and resignify the external signs and stability of gender ideals, so too will we see the pin-up mime, rework, and resig- nify the signs and stability of specifically female sexual ideals. However, paralleling Brian McNair's ap- praisal of women's authorship in postmodern pornography, this book finds within the pin-up genre's entire history women assimilating this visual language largely constructed by men, but "adapting and stretching it to accommodate an expanded range of subversive meanings and mes- sages.
Moreover, by using this popular signifier for desirable woman- hood toward a feminist expression of subversive sexual agency, I will explore the ways in which these pin-ups not only image and provoke desire but also, by penetrating and influencing the cultures of fashion and consumption, succeed in the feminist aim of changing the rigid, patriarchal terms by which desire has historically been framed.
Lord calls "an unruly force that promises to unsettle social conventions, and.. This, however, has not happened without incident. As a movement dedicated to upending limitations on and stereotypes of women, the issue of sexuality has proven itself an extremely divisive one within feminism.
The most obvious problem with representing sexuality is the fact that sexualized representations of women have - like female sexu- ality itself-historically been used to limit women's growth and op- portunities as nonsexual beings. This makes it tempting for any repre- sentation of female sexuality to be read as symbolic of women's sexual oppression. However, this reaction neglects another, more nuanced fact of women's history, related succinctly by anthropologist Muriel Dimen: "On the one hand, since women have been traditionally een as sex ob- jects, feminism demands that society no longer focus on their erotic at- tributes, which, in turn, feminism downplays On the other hand, because women have been traditionally defined as being uninterested in sex, they have been deprived of pleasure and a sense of autonomous at- one-ness, both of which are necessary to self-esteem.
Indeed, the paradoxical nature of the issue has forced feminist thinkers to approach feminism itself as a political paradox: not as a singular feminism but as multiple Jeminisms, which are, like sexuality itself, simultaneously individual and like the "communities" they produce , inevitably somehow common. As theo- rized by feminist scholar Donna Haraway, this organizational strategy for feminism does not deify movement-killing individualism above women's mobilization.
Indeed, art historian Katy Deepwell has appro- priated Haraway's use of the parasite mixotricha paradoxa as a creative metaphor for feminism's growth through diversity. The pin-up in all the feminist contexts addressed here is constructed as an icon of the paradoxical that also stands for the pleasurable.